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Archive for the ‘habeas’


The Limp Writ 1

Posted on March 18, 2010 by Gideon

Since the time of the Magna Carta, prisoners have been able to challenge the legality of their incarceration by petitioning for a writ of habeas corpus, long known as the Great Writ. We inherited “this powerful tool for . . . protect[ing] . . . individuals’ constitutional and statutory rights . . . from Great Britain,” which formalized it in the Habeas Corpus Act of 1679. In The Federalist, Alexander Hamilton argued that the Constitution should provide for the writ “in the most ample manner” because it served as a bulwark against “arbitrary methods of prosecuting pretended offenses [and] arbitrary punishments upon arbitrary convictions.”

The drafters of the Constitution imbedded it in Article I before adopting the Bill of Rights. The Supreme Court has attested to the writ’s significance on many occasions. At different times, the Court has declared that habeas corpus is intended “to liberate an individual from unlawful imprisonment,” a procedure for “securing to the petitioners their constitutional rights,” and “the best and only sufficient defense of personal freedom,” which if withdrawn, “risk[s] injury to an important interest in human liberty.” Most recently, the Court described the writ of habeas corpus as a “vital instrument” to securing “freedom from unlawful restraint,” such freedom being “a fundamental precept of liberty”.

And all of that would mean absolutely nothing if a bill currently in the state legislature were to pass. A bill, that in my view, comes dangerously close to an actual suspension of the writ in certain circumstances.

That such a bill is being considered by lawmakers is a monumental slap in the face to the very principles upon which the justice system in this country was built. The bill is born of a misbegotten belief that the courts in Connecticut are “overwhelmed” with “needless” and “repetitive” habeas petitions, whereby inmates [read: criminals/scum of the earth/them, not us] “abuse” the system. Putting aside the fact that the current pending habeas petitions represent a mere 10% or so of the incarcerated population [and an even smaller percentage of total convictions in the state], the idea that a State would be willing to eviscerate so fundamental a protection without the slightest trepidation is repugnant.

Making this proposal even more jarring is the granting of The Great Writ yesterday in a case where the two petitioners were found by the court to be actually innocent after 16 years in jail [make sure you read the decision by Judge Fuger]. If this bill were to pass, it would convert the sharp scythe that the Great Writ is meant to be into a limp sword of cardboard used in middle school productions.

Let us count the ways in which this bill sticks a big middle finger right through The Great Writ and the ways in which this will only generate more litigation and require more expenditure:

An idle thought on the Boykin canvass 9

Posted on February 12, 2010 by Gideon

Much as been written and said about Boykin v. Alabama since Justice Douglas wrote the decision in 1969. At best, it is a necessary safeguard to ensure that guily pleas, the bulk of the resolutions in the criminal justice system, are made voluntarily. At worst, it is a prophylactic.

A defendant entering a guilty plea waives several fundamental constitutional rights. Boykin v. Alabama, 395 U.S. 238, 243 (1969). “We therefore require the record affirmatively to disclose that the defendant’s choice was made intelligently and voluntarily.” (Internal quotation marks omitted.) State v. Andrews, supra, 253 Conn. 503. To satisfy that requirement, a defendant must be fully aware of the direct consequences of his or her plea. See Brady v. United States, 397 U.S. 742, 755 (1970). Direct consequences are generally defined as consequences that are “definite, immediate and [that have] largely automatic effect[s] on the range of the defendant’s punishment.” Cuthrell v. Director, 475 F.2d 1364, 1366 (4th Cir.), cert. denied, 414 U.S. 1005 (1973).

State v. Groppi. The Boykin canvas is limited to three Constitutional aspects: First, is the privilege against compulsory self-incrimination.. . [s]econd, is the right to trial by jury… [t]hird, is the right to confront one’s accusers.’ Boykin v. Alabama, [supra].

In fact, the Boykin canvass is now part of most state statutes or rules of court. Here, in CT, it is codified in Conn. Prac. Bk. S. 39-19, which provides:

The judicial authority shall not accept the plea without first addressing the defendant personally and determining that he or she fully understands:

  1. The nature of the charge to which the plea is offered;
  2. The mandatory minimum sentence, if any;
  3. The fact that the statute for the particular offense does not permit the sentence to be suspended;
  4. The maximum possible sentence on the charge, including, if there are several charges, the maximum sentence possible from consecutive sentences and including, when applicable, the fact that a different or additional punishment may be authorized by reason of a previous conviction; and
  5. The fact that he or she has the right to plead not guilty or to persist in that plea if it has already been made, and the fact that he or she has the right to be tried by a jury or a judge and that at that trial the defendant has the right to the assistance of counsel, the right to confront and cross-examine witnesses against him or her, and the right not to be compelled to incriminate himself or herself.

But even there, strict compliance is not required:

Rest in Peace, good bill, your time will come 1

Posted on April 10, 2009 by Gideon

It’s that time of year – when the legislature’s committees are done discussing, when one party has successfully blocked discussion and vote on other bills and the few stragglers that made it through leave behind a myriad of bills that died on the floor. Some of these bills are truly dead, some have a whisper of a chance – either for this year as add-ons to bills that made it through, or next year, because they’re persistent little sobs.

So, in honor of Good Friday (no, not really, don’t get mad at me and leave a 1000 comments), here are three Good Bills that died this year in committee, and two “it’s Good these Bills died in committee”:

Two jurors sitting in a tree, K-I-S-S-I-N-G 12

Posted on December 22, 2008 by Gideon

Okay so it wasn’t so much a tree as it was a hotel room and they weren’t kissing but rather “doin’ it”. Apparently, during the trial of Roberto Dunn, two jurors were “deliberating each other” (euphemisms solely mine) and two deputies who were charged with guarding the jurors were also “taking sexual liberties” (that’s a quote).

The strange part of the story is that this trial was in 2000 and the allegations were made by a fellow juror in a letter sent to the judge shortly after the trial. Dunn’s lawyers allegedly put the under seal and “didn’t do enough” to get a new trial. Now, Dunn’s new lawyer is seeking a new trial for him.

11. Be (intellectually) honest 9

Posted on December 11, 2008 by Gideon

Since the last post was mostly tongue-in-cheek, I couldn’t include #11: be honest, or intellectually honest.

The legal profession, despite the number of students graduating from law school every year, is small and insular. The local bar is small. The attorneys who practice in your given field are even smaller. And when you deal with the same attorneys over and over again, there is nothing more valuable than your reputation and your integrity.

Which is why it is imperative that you be honest. That you be intellectually honest. Opposing counsel and judges can see through your prevarication.

The law is not always friendly to you or your client or the position you want to take. It happens to all of us. That doesn’t give you a license to lie, or to make up arguments that ignore the law or the facts of the case.

Might OJ Simpson have a Sanders claim? 11

Posted on December 08, 2008 by Gideon

how did I end up back here?

One interesting piece of information in this OJ Simpson brouhaha is the revelation that he may have rejected a plea offer for a sentence as low as 3 years. The first word came from a friend of The Juice and it was later confirmed by his lawyer.

Sanders, in the post title, refers to a CT Superior Court decision: Sanders v. Warden1. Obviously, OJ wouldn’t get the benefit of this particular case, because, as much as Mohegan Sun wants it to be, this is not Vegas. The principle Sanders stands for is borrowed from a 1996 Second Circuit decision: Boria v. Keane.

Troy Davis gets a stay 3

Posted on October 24, 2008 by Gideon

The 11th Circuit has stayed Davis’ execution – set for Monday – and asked both parties to brief whether Troy can file a successive petition. They also included this interesting question:

It asked the parties to address whether Davis can still be executed if he can establish innocence under the second standard [clear and convincing evidence that no reasonable fact finder would have found him guilty] but cannot satisfy his burden under the first, due-diligence question.

If someone has a copy of the order, please let me know. I’d like to link to it.

Hood execution stayed; lawyers continue douchebaggery 0

Posted on September 09, 2008 by Gideon

I was going to write about the silly comments made by the attorney for the Judge that presided over Hood’s original trial, but that has been pre-empted by this late breaking news that Hood’s execution, set for tomorrow, has been stayed.

Tuesday’s reprieve was granted over a technical issue regarding instructions given to the original jury, and a hearing will be scheduled on that issue.

Btw, I love how instructional error is called a “technical issue”.

Now here are the asinine comments:

Earlier in the day, [attorney for Judge Holland] Mr. Boyd said Judge Holland is “saddened” and “disappointed” by the allegations of an affair at the time of the trial.

He also criticized Mr. Hood’s attorneys for filing a civil action in the case in an attempt to elicit a stay of execution from Texas Gov. Rick Perry, or to force consideration of new appeals in a criminal court.

“This is not about getting money damages for Hood or his estate,” Mr. Boyd said of the civil action. While lauding their “creativity,” Mr. Boyd noted that the case happened 20 years ago and in all those years, “nobody has filed a grievance between either of these two people.”

Right, it’s not about money, but “just the small matter of his life”.

Sorry Judge Holland, but I am “saddened” and “disappointed” by your attempts to obfuscate and to possibly deny this man a fair trial before his life is taken by the State.

Judges are supposed to recuse themselves from cases if there is even the slightest appearance of impropriety. Sleeping with the prosecutor in a capital case goes far beyond that. Everyone knows that there are some judges who are in bed with the State, but when it actually happens – literally – it should be enough to stop the trial or reverse the conviction.

The Judge that ordered the depositions of the judge and prosecutor was quite right in saying:

he was interested in preserving the integrity of the judicial system

Good to know that not all judges in Texas are like Judge Holland.

Stare decisis ad infinitum (updated) 2

Posted on September 08, 2008 by Gideon

So seems to be the State of Utah’s motto. In the midst of a capital case, the A.G. is seeking sanctions against defense lawyers because, get this, they argue that a third of the claims have already been decided by other cases.

[Defense attorney] Brass and attorney Richard Mauro, who represents [the other defense attorney] Donaldson, deny any impropriety or unethical behavior and contend that they only sought to preserve every possible avenue of appeal for [defendant] Archuleta.

Brass said he thought justices should give deference to the 17-page opinion from Judge Donald J. Eyre, who found “there was no deception, there was no unethical behavior that he wasn’t deceived and there wasn’t an effort to deceive him.”

Makes a lot of sense. You raise every avenue of challenge, even if previous cases have decided the issue. Maybe they’ve been decided by state courts, but not by Federal courts. In all post-conviction cases, especially capital cases, it is all about preservation of issues.

But this is not surprising. Since AEDPA, State prosecutors have been on a crusade to curtail post-conviction avenues and rights of criminal defendants. Claims of “abuse” are pretty frequent. Given that courts throughout the country have repeatedly held that habeas corpus petitions are the appropriate venue for challenging trial counsel’s performance (and raising other Constitutional deficiencies), I would sincerely hope that they suggest a viable alternative or let it go.

But back to the curiosity here. What the prosecutors are, in essence, saying is that once a point of law has been decided a certain way, it can never be changed. Not only is this not what stare decisis means, but if such were indeed the case, then almost all issues would have been decided decades ago and we might as well disband all appellate courts.

Decisions are reversed all the time, precedent is overturned with some regularity. If that were not the case, the law would be stagnant, reflecting a time long gone and incapable of dealing with evolving society.

Fortunately for us (and unfortunately for the Utah A.G., I suspect), such is not the case. Lawyers should be free to challenge existing caselaw and should be free to seek reversal of precedent.

I also wonder if the Utah A.G. practices what it preaches. I suspect the A.G. has not rolled over on any cases where there is “caselaw on point”. I bet they still defend post-conviction challenges and other criminal prosecutions. They may do so even in cases where the law is squarely against them. I’ve seen it happen here. It’s annoying, but it’s the way it is. It doesn’t mean that lawyers should be subject to sanctions for merely advocating strongly on behalf of their client and preserving all legal claims. Sanctions are serious – they should be thrown about willy-nilly when defendants do something that irk prosecutors. Sanctions should be reserved for the worst violators of the rules of conduct.

What this disturbing litigation has also caused, perhaps intentionally, is a declining desire on the part of Utah criminal defense lawyers to take on capital cases.

Mauro said the state’s case against Brass and Donaldson has prompted other attorneys to refuse to take other death penalty appeals out of fear they’ll face similar allegations. That could leave some wrongly-convicted death row inmates without a chance for exoneration, he said.

It’s not only those that are wrongfully convicted – those that have been convicted with the assistance of some Constitutional defect. Post-conviction isn’t about getting another shot at the apple; rather it is about making sure that when the State convicts an individual and takes away his/her liberty, it does so in a Constitutionally sufficient manner.

That is of paramount importance – and the A.G. doesn’t seem to care.

Update: The A.G. seems to be in the news for something else as well. This time, the A.G. doesn’t seem to care about the presumption of innocence. The A.G. redesigned his website and launched it anew with a video of the arrest of a sex assault suspect. [He also has a blog.]

Legal Blog Watch reports:

The video shows the Utah Internet Crimes Against Children Task Force assisting local police as they arrest a 26-year-old man suspected of arranging to have sex with an underage girl he met online. Actually all it shows is two men escorting a man in handcuffs through a parking lot. That is followed by the comments of a local sheriff’s detective, who says, “If I was someone who had a daughter, I’d be very scared about what’s going on,” and of a local police officer, who says, “It’s crazy that we have guys like this that would do this type of thing.”

No reason to let the presumption of innocence get in the way of good TV. But the local chapter of the ACLU sees it otherwise. ACLU lawyers showed up at Shurtleff’s press conference announcing the site to register their protest. “We are concerned that by posting the arrest video of an unconvicted person, the attorney general is more interested in political grandstanding than protecting the public,” ACLU lawyer Marina Lowe told the Deseret News. Added ACLU attorney William Carlson, “Guilty before charged.”

Gideon’s turning in his grave 2

Posted on September 03, 2008 by Gideon

From the very same state that gave us Gideon v. Wainwright comes the news that their public defender system is in dire straits.

A judge in Miami ruled today that the public defender system is so overburdened and crushed by caseload that they can stop accepting some cases until the situation improves.

Circuit Judge Stanford Blake found that Public Defender Bennett Brummer’s office has absorbed 12.6 percent in budget cuts over the last two years, while its criminal caseload has rocketed by 29 percent since 2004.

“The evidence shows that the number of active cases is so high that the assistant public defenders are, at best, providing minimal competent representation to the accused,” Blake wrote.

“While the court is concerned that there not be chaos in the criminal justice system, the court must also serve as the protector of due process and meaningful representation of the accused,” the judge added.

Starting mid-September, around 2000 cases a month will have to be shipped out to private counsel, because public defenders are unable to handle them.

The state (and state’s attorneys) of course hates being told what to do:

“This is a political matter that should have stayed in the political system,” Rundle said. “No one should create a constitutional crisis that jeopardizes the integrity of our criminal justice system.”

Maybe the funding of public defender systems is a political matter, but the representation of over 2000 defendants a month is certainly not. It is a legal and constitutional issue and every defendant should receive competent representation. If the political system that this prosecutor seems so fond of actually contributes to the situation that has resulted, then why should fixing this problem be left up to them? It’s like saying sentencing should be left up to defendants.

There was nowhere else for the public defenders to turn. The Court stepped in and did what it had to and what it should have.

Scoplaw, one of those hard-working public defenders in Miami, weighs in.

The purpose of habeas corpus 3

Posted on June 12, 2008 by Gideon

More from Boumediene:

Indeed, common-law habeas corpus was, above all, an adaptable remedy. Its precise application and scope changed depending upon the circumstances. See 3 Blackstone *131 (describing habeas as “the great and efficacious writ, in all manner of illegal confinement”); see also Schlup v. Delo, 513 U. S. 298, 319 (1995) (Habeas “is, at its core, an equitable remedy”); Jones v. Cunningham, 371 U. S. 236, 243 (1963) (Habeas is not “a static, narrow, formalistic remedy; its scope has grown to achieve its grand purpose”).

Boumediene and habeas corpus 8

Posted on June 12, 2008 by Gideon

Plenty of other commentators have far more intelligent comments and insights on Boumediene [pdf] than I have to offer, so I will direct you to them (see this SCOTUSblog post for a collection of links as well).

I do want to leave you with this quote from Justice Kennedy’s opinion, via Orin at Volokh:

Officials charged with daily operational responsibility for our security may consider a judicial discourse on the history of the Habeas Corpus Act of 1679 and like matters to be far removed from the Nation’s present, urgent concerns. Established legal doctrine, however, must be consulted for its teaching. Remote in time it may be; irrelevant to the present it is not. Security depends upon a sophisticated intelligence apparatus and the ability of our Armed Forces to act and to interdict. There are further considerations, however. Security subsists, too, in fidelity to freedom’s first principles. Chief among these are freedom from arbitrary and unlawful restraint and the personal liberty that is secured by adherence to the separation of powers. It is from these principles that the judicial authority to consider petitions for habeas corpus relief derives.

There is a reason it is called The Great Writ.

Preempting habeas 10

Posted on April 21, 2008 by Gideon

Everyone that practices criminal law is probably aware of the Sixth Amendment right to effective assistance of counsel and the (usually) appropriate venue for seeking relief for a violation of that right: a petition for writ of habeas corpus. This remedy, however, is difficult to obtain and is backward-looking in nature.

The question I’m currently considering, however, is whether there is a need – or does anyone have the responsibility – to preempt habeas corpus petitions by stopping the damage while it occurs.

Norm has been blogging up a storm recently about Gerry Spence and the Fieger trial in Chicago, talking about taking the opportunity to see the master in action. Of course, when a trial lawyer as celebrated and revered as Spence is “performing”, there is much to learn. But what of the exact opposite? What of the trial where everyone is painfully aware the counsel is performing horribly?

A trial, from the perspective of the State, is the pursuit of justice and a quest for the truth. If, during that trial, the defendant (who, let us remember, is presumed innocent) is being defended in a manner that is obviously deficient, does anyone have the responsibility to step in and say, “let us stop this sham before it goes any further”? Does the judge? The prosecutor?

Does there come a point during a trial when the system has so obviously failed that to continue would be a mockery of justice? Keep in mind that I am talking about extreme cases here – cases where it is apparent either that the defense is not really doing any “defending” or that the quality of representation is so poor that a subsequent habeas becomes an almost foregone conclusion.

Or is that too heavy a burden to place on the system? There are a few things that can be done post-trial (habeas, grievance), but is there anything that can – or should – be done during a trial?

Oh Georgia: Dubious conviction of Troy Davis to stand 13

Posted on March 17, 2008 by Gideon

The Georgia Supreme Court issued a 4-3 opinion today, essentially affirming Troy Davis’ conviction. Troy Davis, you will remember, was granted a stay of execution by the Georgia Board of Parole and received a letter of support from The Pope.

EyeID explains:

According to the court, statements by a slew of witnesses who claimed that they had lied at trial under police pressure were insufficient to support a finding that a different result would likely be reached if the case were subjected to a new trial — in a case in which the only evidence presented was the apparently coerced testimony of the same witnesses. As a result of this inexplicable finding, the Georgia Supreme Court refused to stand in the way of the execution of a man who insists he is, and whom many believe to be, innocent.

Here’s a sampling of the recantations:

I kept telling them that I didn’t know. It was dark, my windows were tinted, and I was scared. It all happened so fast. Even today, I know that I could not honestly identify with any certainty who shot the officer that night.
[…]
After the officers talked to me, they gave me a statement and told me to sign it. I signed it. I did not read it because I cannot read.

and another:

I nodded and repeated what they said, whether it was true or not…. I am not proud for lying at Troy’s trial, but the police had me so messed up that I felt that’s all I could do or else I would go to jail.

It really is remarkable that the Ga. Supreme Court did not find that these recantations would result in a different outcome if Davis were granted a new trial.

An absolutely mind-boggling and repulsive decision.

Death penalty on our minds 9

Posted on March 10, 2008 by Gideon

Two separate news items of note on the death penalty in Connecticut today. The first is a hearing in the judiciary committee on a bill that sets absurd time limits on the filing of appeals and habeas corpus petitions. S.B. 320 is a resurrection of an almost identical bill that failed in the last legislative session. The bill would require both the defendant and the state to file its briefs within 4 months of the imposition of the sentence and it would require the Supreme Court to schedule oral argument no later than 6 months from the date of the imposition of the sentence. These time limits are absurd and arbitrary and unworkable. There is no way that all issues that need to be raised in capital cases can be raised in two months.

Further, it requires all habeas corpus petitions in capital cases to be filed within 180 days (or at the same time that oral argument is scheduled) of the imposition of the sentence and a hearing on such a habeas petition shall be held within 180 days of the filing of such a petition.

However, a subsequent petition will not be barred if (1) the facts underlying the claim were unknown to the defendant or the defendant’s attorney and could not have been ascertained by the exercise of due diligence prior to the filing of the earlier application, and (2) the facts underlying the claim, if proven and viewed in light of the evidence as a whole, would have reasonably led the original trier of fact to have either found the defendant not guilty or not sentence the defendant to death. The court shall hold a hearing on such subsequent application not later than one hundred eighty days after the filing of such application.

Written testimony submitted to the Judiciary Committee is available here. This bill is opposed by the ACLU, the Public Defender’s Office and the State’s Attorney’s Office.

The second news item was a discussion on the state of the death penalty in Connecticut on NPR’s “Where We Live“. The guests include Waterbury State’s Attorney John Connelly, Yale Prof. John Donahue, who conducted the disparity study, Helen Williams – the mother of Richard Reynolds’ victim, Robert Nave – the director of the Connecticut Network to Abolish the Death Penalty, New Jersey Senator Christopher Bateman and State Rep. Michael Lawlor.

Connecticut is one of 2 states in New England that still has a death penalty. New Hampshire is the other—but recently that state has created a commission to study the process including whether the death penalty actually deters crime, just as New Jersey did prior to its abolition of the death penalty.

The discussion included the cost of the death penalty vis-a-vis life imprisonment, its deterrence value and who the focus is on. Quotes from citizens include comments about the fallibility of the justice system as demonstrated by the DNA exonerations and whether we should take that risk with the one truly irreversible punishment. It is an hour long, but definitely worth listening to.

Connelly and even the host keep trumpeting the “fact” that the majority of citizens are in favor of the death penalty. Lawlor mentions that when CT citizens are given the choice between the death penalty and life imprisonment, the opinions are more even.

Then the discussion turns to the hearing scheduled in the judiciary committee and Connelly characterizes it as appeals and habeas corpus petitions filed “ad nauseam“. Where he gets this, I do not know, but apparently NPR didn’t see it fit to have anyone from the defense bar to mention that there is a statutory right to a direct appeal and a Constitutional right to habeas corpus.

Lawlor then says it like it is: This is a political issue and whether abolition proceeds depends on opinion polls and what people think about it. He says they will look to New Jersey’s upcoming elections to see whether the abolition will be an issue there.

Courtesy of NPR, the audio is available below.

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