a public defender


Man-Min sentences for juves: no (constitutional) problem

Posted on January 27, 2009 by Gideon

It was a longshot, but by definition, it means that it was worth a shot. The CT Supreme Court recently held in State v. Carrasquillo that mandatory-minimum sentences for juvenile offenders don’t violate the Eight Amendment to the Constitution. This properly should be considered a companion case to the “Life without parole is not cruel and unusual” decision from a few months ago (my post on that decision here).

Like the previous case, the defendant in this case relies heavily on Roper v. Simmons. The defendant argued that juvenile possess characteristics different from adults that make the application of a mandatory-minimum sentence unconstitutional. The defendant did not argue that juveniles cannot be sentenced to 30, 40 or even 50 years in prison, but that a sentencing scheme that deprives a judge the ability to take into consideration the mental development of a teen and sentence less than 25 years is cruel and unusual punishment.

Once again, the court relies on a tested phrase to justify its decision: death is different. Roper spoke only to death, not to any other punishment and thus is inapplicable.

This, in my opinion, is too literal a reading of Roper. While Roper may have dealt only with the death penalty, the studies cited in Roper should have some applicability in the general field of juvenile punishment.

The argument in support of the defendant’s claim is this:

[N]ew technologies have revealed significant differences between the adolescent brain and the adult brain, including differences in psychosocial functioning. [A]dolescents are more readily influenced by their peers and have different attitudes toward risk and risk taking, with less orientation toward the future than adults. [T]he defendant was a typical  teenager who still exhibited methods of thinking characteristic of an adolescent. [A]lthough the legal system considers a defendant’s actions in light of what a reasonable person would do under the circumstances, an adolescent’s actions should be measured against what a reasonable adolescent would do under the circumstances.

If an adolescent cannot fully comprehend the actions he has taken, if he is prone to growth and further understanding of his actions and development of his moral compass, then a mandatory-minimum sentence of 25 years, to be imposed in every single case, regardless of what the individual circumstances are, can start to seem cruel and unusual.

By mandating that a juvenile automatically be sentenced to 25 years, we are snuffing out any chance at rehabilitation; any glimmer of hope that the adolescent mind grows and learns and can become a contributing member of society is snuffed. Much like the life that the juvenile took away, his life will also be wasted.

There is a significant difference between an adolescent spending 10 years in jail and being released at 25 and spending 25 years in jail and being released at 40. What is he to do at 40, having spent half his teenage years, his entire 20s and 30s in prison? Will he have any tools or skills to succeed in life? Will he know anything of life?

Some cases might definitely warrant long sentences of juvenile offenders. But certainly not all, and that is what this statute does. It does not discern between the still forming adolescent mind that has a chance to fully develop a sense of right and wrong and one that has and makes a decision cognizant of the consequences.

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3 Comments »

Comment by SPO

“This, in my opinion, is too literal a reading of Roper. While Roper may have dealt only with the death penalty, the studies cited in Roper should have some applicability in the general field of juvenile punishment.”

There are two means of capacitating killers–execution and LWOP (with LWOP being an imperfect means of doing so–too bad so sad for any prison guards or other inmates). Roper took execution off the table for juveniles (an appalling and lawless decision); it said nothing about the other means of incapacitance, i.e., imprisonment. That’s why that tired, trite and sloganeering-substituting-for-analysis phrase “death is different” actually makes sense here. Roper took away the state’s power to execute heinous killers like Christopher Simmons–it left the state’s other means to incapacitate them intact.

Your analysis is far too criminal-centered. You forget about society’s need for protection from the murderer and it’s need for deterrence, both of which would be adversely affected by such a result.

I cannot leave without mentioning this statement:

“By mandating that a juvenile automatically be sentenced to 25 years, we are snuffing out any chance at rehabilitation; any glimmer of hope that the adolescent mind grows and learns and can become a contributing member of society is snuffed. Much like the life that the juvenile took away, his life will also be wasted.”

Cry me a river.

 
Comment by Miranda

I wrote a longer comment that I lost due to a technical problem, and I don’t think I could reproduce it even if I wanted to…

In sum, I disagree with you, Gideon, and agree with the court (?!) that Roper doesn’t get us where we need to be. In Roper, the penalty of death was a critical factor to the outcome of the case. The Court overruled its prior decision on the issue for two main reasons. The consensus was now different – most states didn’t allow for the execution of juvenile offenders and even fewer had carried out such an execution; and death is different.

Here, we don’t have death, so we’re already behind because we’re talking about a punishment that is less cruel. It also doesn’t appear that the court was presented with any hard data or argument as to why or how these punishments (LWOP or man. min. sentences) offend our evolving standards of decency, i.e., evidence that our society opposes these punishments for juvenile offenders, the number of states that don’t allow for these punishments for juvenile offenders, etc. If we’re only left with a policy argument about why we shouldn’t have these rigid and harsh punishments for juveniles, I agree with the court that it is a matter for the legislature.

I agree wholeheartedly with your policy argument (and the ones that were seemingly presented in the two CT cases), but, unfortunately, that alone doesn’t give rise to a violation of the 8th Amendment.

 
Comment by SPO

“I agree wholeheartedly with your policy argument (and the ones that were seemingly presented in the two CT cases), but, unfortunately, that alone doesn’t give rise to a violation of the 8th Amendment.”

Or “fortunately”, if you care at all about public safety . . . .

 
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