Archive for June, 2007

Should we be selective? Part II

Combining the themes of two of my posts this week, Anita Witness has this post (OOPS! Just realized this post is from January, but it is still pertinent and she says it way better than I do anyway) about the ability of private sector criminal defense attorneys to select the types of cases they take on. She writes:

When you work in a public defender’s office, you don’t have the opportunity to be selective about the cases you work on. In the private sector, however, you can make the choice to avoid certain kinds of cases. For instance, there are a number of investigators and attorneys who choose not to do death penalty cases because they find them to be too stressful. It’s good to know your limits.

It seems like the most common kind of case that defense- minded people seek to avoid are those that involve crimes against children. A former co-worker of mine used to say that he simply would not do cases that involved crimes against children once he was a father. At the time, I wondered how I would feel once I had children, especially as a woman, since these cases have a tendency to come knocking at your door as a female investigator. Now that I have a kid, I can say that I have no problem taking a case that involves crimes against children, anymore than I have a problem taking a case involving exclusively adults.

For defendants charged with crimes against children, the battle to get a fair trial can be steep and rough. They are often villified in the press and given three part names. A criminal defense investigator may be more likely to encounter animosity in the process of doing your job, like being questioned by witnesses as to one’s personal motivation in representing an accused child (fill in the blank here)-er.

Which is part of the reason why I am unsure of statements like: “I don’t represent snitches” or “I won’t take child molester cases”. As Miranda and I were discussing yesterday, I could understand if there is a case with a particular set of circumstances that hits close to home and does, indeed, affect the attorneys ability to provide an adequate defense and the attorney chooses not to represent that client. However, I don’t think that equates to not trying all cases where the defendant was charged with a certain offense.

Are lawyers emotional wrecks?

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Asks this WSJ law blog post.

“Depression, stress, career issues and addictions . . . we understand what it’s like to face personal problems within the profession.” That’s the caption on an advertisement run by a Beantown-based organization called Lawyers Concerned for Lawyers (LCL). LCL was founded nearly 30 years ago mostly as a support group for lawyers with drinking problems. But over the years, as the stress level of practicing law has spiked, lawyers seek its services for different reasons.

Today, attorneys contact LCL mainly for help battling depression. According to the Globe, the shift mirrors reinforces studies showing that lawyers are more depressed than those in any other occupation. Work life, especially at big firms, can be emotionally draining. “Intense deadlines, staggering billable-hour requirements, and grinding hours are routine. Even veteran lawyers often find themselves disillusioned by the increasingly business-like practice of law.”

Other issues reportedly contribute to the practice’s toll. The conflict-driven nature of the profession plays a role. And the personality type frequently drawn to the law — perfectionist, high-achieving — is particularly vulnerable to becoming depressed, the article says.

The post then invites comments and boy, comments there are! We lawyers sure do love to talk. 86 comments as of the time of writing this post. Some of them are extremely entertaining; some sensible. So. Are you an emotional wreck? Are you?

[poll=9]

I’ve got a bone to pick with you

What is it about our job that attracts some terrible lawyers? I mean, some of them are just unbelievably awful. You know the type – promise the moon, don’t even deliver some cheese. “Take this deal; I’ll get you out tomorrow.” “Don’t worry, they won’t convict you”. “If you take this offer, I can’t help you.” “I don’t represent snitches.” “Give me more money or I won’t go to court for you.”

The false promises part really pisses me off. You know there are attorneys who make them but then when the client gets screwed, will swear up and down that they would never, ever say something like that. Bullshit. Half the inmate population can’t be lying. Maybe they didn’t say it exactly as the client said they did, but they made some ridiculous promise. Why do they do it? Prestige? Wanting the client to like you? Why is it so damn difficult for attorneys to say: “Sorry, I couldn’t do any better” or “Man, I screwed up.”

Be honest with the client. Please. It’s about them, not you.

Study shows public defenders are better

Or at least the results they achieve are better for clients as compared to those represented by CJA attorneys in Federal Court. The study is entitled “An Analysis of the Performance of Federal Indigent Defense Counsel” and is available here [pdf]. The abstract states:

In the U.S. federal court system, indigent defendants are represented by either public defenders who are salaried employees of the court or private attorneys, known as Criminal Justice Act (CJA) attorneys, who are compensated on an hourly basis. This study measures differences in performance of these types of attorneys and explores some potential causes for these differences. Exploiting the use of random case assignment between the two types of attorneys, an analysis of federal criminal case level data from 1997-2001 from 51 districts indicates that public defenders perform significantly better than CJA panel attorneys in terms of lower conviction rates and sentence lengths. An analysis of data from three districts linking attorney experience, wages, law school quality and average caseload suggests that these variables account for over half of the overall difference in performance. These systematic differences in performance disproportionately affect minority and immigrant communities and as such may constitute a civil rights violation under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act.

The study reaches many interesting conclusions. Among them, the impact of this disparity on minorities:

Since the poor in the U.S. are disproportionately from minority communities, inequities in systems that disadvantage them have the unintended consequence of perpetuating discriminatory practices on the basis of race. The use of lower-performing CJA panel attorneys impacts minority communities in several ways. First, as Table 1 illustrates, over 30 percent of indigent defendants are of African-American descent while they constitute only 13 percent of the U.S. population. Furthermore, only 19 percent of defendants who can afford to retain their own counsel are African-Americans. About 4000 cases per year involve minority defendants who are randomly assigned CJA panel attorney. Given the large fraction of defendants of African-American descent, it becomes obvious that poor quality representation may disproportionately affect them.Second, districts with high minority and immigrant populations have a higher fraction of their cases covered by CJA panel attorneys. A simple correlation between the fraction of cases covered by CJA panel attorneys and the fraction black defendants yields a correlation factor of 0.77. This correlation may be due to district specific factors such as cases per year, prevalence of urban centers, and other factors related to local geography and culture.

Third, in districts that do not randomly assign, blacks are significantly more likely to be assigned a CJA panel attorney than whites. Immigrants are also slightly more likely to be assigned CJA attorneys (although this difference is only significant at the 0.10 level).In part this difference is due to selection of cases based on crime type (the inclusion of crime fixed effects explains about 1/3 of the difference in the probability of assignment to a CJA panel attorney between blacks and whites).

The performance gap between CJA panel attorneys and public defenders is larger among non-randomly assigning districts than among randomly assigning districts. This could be due to case selection decisions on the part of the attorneys (i.e. CJA panel attorneys are assigned cases which are more likely to end in conviction).

However, because it is unclear how much of the gap is due to performance, the higher fraction of blacks assigned to CJA panel attorneys raises questions about whether race affects the quality of the representation indigent defendants are assigned. Thus, an initial decision to create a two-tiered system without racial consideration can percolate through the system to have racially-linked negative consequences.

HT: C & F

What’s in a word?

A legal conclusion, perhaps. So thought a judge in Nebraska, who banned the use of the words rape, assailant, sexual assault rape kit, victim and sexual assault from a trial. This has Dahlia Lithwick of Slate unhappy. Corey Yung of Sex Crimes is also unsure of it.

Barring a slippery-slope argument (which may be a strong one), I don’t see what the hubbub is all about [NOT from an emotional point of view; simply a legal one].

Replace:

“Did he rape you?”

with

“Did he attempt to have sex with you?”
“Did you consent to having sex with him?”

Rape becomes non-consensual sex. In some cases, the jury is called upon to decide whether the “victim” was indeed “raped”. To continually refer to the act as “rape” (which is a fact for the jury to decide), might subconsciously “poison” the minds of the jury.

In CT, a 2005 Supreme Court decision left standing an Appellate Court decision [State v. Cortes (pdf)]which held that the use of the word “victim” by the court (76 times) deprived the defendant of a fair trial.

In cases in which the fact that a crime has been committed against the complaining witness is not contested, but only the identity of the perpetrator is in dispute, a court’s use of the term ‘‘victim’’ is not inappropriate. In cases in which the fact that a crime has been committed is contested, and where the court’s use of the term ‘‘victim’’ has been the subject of an objection and has not been the subject of a subsequent curative instruction, a court’s use of the term may constitute reversible error. The danger in the latter type of case is that the court, having used the term without specifically instructing the jury as to its intention in using the term, might convey to the jury, to whatever slight degree, its belief that a crime has been committed against the complainant.

We agree with the defendant that given the particular circumstances of this case, as well as the fact that the complainant’s credibility was a critical issue, the better practice would have been for the court to refer to the complainant by some term other than ‘‘victim.’’ We conclude that the court’s instructions constituted reversible error.

Now, the slippery-slope argument that Dahlia Lithwick makes is a valid one, but perhaps not fatal to this judge’s position. How many times, in a trial, does a prosecutor ask of a witness: “Is the defendant the man that murdered the victim?” Not many. It is more likely that the question posed is: “Did you see the defendant shoot the victim?” “Is the defendant the man that killed the victim”?

Shoot; kill – not legal conclusions. Murder, probably.

However, despite this lengthy post, I could be convinced to change my position. Have at it!

Time to beat ‘em Texans into the ground

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Since we haven’t had enough fun mocking the plight of Texan lawyers, go on over to Simple Justice and vote in the poll there. If CT voters outnumber voters from other states, there’s a special prize!*

*Sorry, no prize. That’s called “tricking-you-into-doing-something-you-probably-would-have-done-but-needed-a-
little-prodding”.

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